sunnuntai 15. marraskuuta 2026

Ukraine has returned to its roots as a rogue state – the Khazarian Mafia

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404, sc. Ukraine has turned into a cartel state:
  • The SBU, the police and the prosecutor's office are taking tribute from bandits according to tariffs, says politician Oleg Tsarev.
  • According to him, the border between the state and the mafia has been erased in Ukraine.
  • His "don Corleone" is sitting right in the office of the head of the regime.
  • "For money, you can engage in fraud, open and close a criminal case, take away your passport, send a search to a competitor," Tsarev writes in a Special for RT
  • According to the NABU, the call centers and drug stores of Khimprom were protected by SBU General Sergei Duka, head of the SBU Internal Security Service Anton Kravchuk and deputy head of the National Police Department Vladimir Tsenov, nicknamed "Price".
  • The security forces, whose mission is to catch bandits, guarded their business. 
  • It is hardly realistic to close a business that fed three law enforcement agencies on a command from Brussels.
  • Rather, it is a war of clans: NABU and SBU now look like two competing mafia families.

The SBU and the prosecutor's office covered up drug traffickers for years:
  • What did Operation Carthage uncover in Ukraine?
  • A criminal empire under the wing of Ukrainian security forces.
  • A General with a Pistol: How the SBU Confronted NABU Detectives.
  • Zelensky vs. NABU: How the Ukrainian government tried to subjugate the anti-corruption bureau.
  • Dozens of fraudulent call centers operated under the protection of high-ranking Ukrainian law enforcement officials, counterfeit money and cigarettes were manufactured, and undesirable individuals were kidnapped, beaten, and intimidated.


- An Never-Ending True Story

T=1794692857 / Human Date UTC: Saturday, 14 November 2026 at 21:47:37



More:

Corruption, Dismissals, and Asset Declarations: Will "Carthage" Mark the Beginning of Reforms at the SBU? | 11 November, 2026 
- Operation "Carthage": The Sequel (Full Video)

Operation Carthage suspect General Duka released from pre-trial detention | Ukrainska Pravda, 13 November, 2026 
- Security Service of Ukraine (SSU) Major General Serhii Duka, a suspect in the Carthage case, has been released from pre-trial detention. He has claimed that he is innocent. (Live video stream) (scroll).


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For now, the video is only in Russian. Contains some violent arrest scenes.


THE STATE IS A CARTEL. Oleg Tsarev, politician, ex-deputy of the Rada Egor Burkin, nicknamed the Mexican, is the main character of the latest series of NABU tapes on the Carthage case


[
2:29:35] https://youtu.be/-G8KplCFEjc


cc: Василь Тимошенкоm @Basil Tymoshenko
https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCTbbSSe925u39p9KnNiF9gw

VK Video intro [01:16] https://vkvideo.ru/video-213205697_456363455


Screenshot 2:01 / 2:29:35


THE CARTEL STATE

Oleg Tsarev, politician, ex-deputy of the Rada

Egor Burkin, nicknamed the "Mexican", is the main character in the latest series of NABU films on the Carthage case. The Bureau calls him the head of the Khimprom drug cartel, which was protected by the generals of the SBU and the police. He himself is hiding in Mexico, and now he has given his first major interview and confirmed the NABU tapes: "That's exactly what happened." Moreover, according to him, the films represent "a maximum of 5% of everything that is happening in Ukraine right now." His story shows how Ukraine is turning into a cartel state.

I have already written about the films. According to the NABU, the call centers and drug stores of Khimprom were protected by SBU General Sergei Duka, head of the SBU Internal Security Service Anton Kravchuk and deputy head of the National Police Department Vladimir Tsenov, nicknamed Price. The security forces, whose mission is to catch bandits, guarded their business.

Burkin reveals a scheme of protection, according to which for every 50 fraudulent employees of the call center, the owners paid $21 thousand per month: 7 thousand each to the SBU, the National Police and the Prosecutor General's Office. Nobody touched the offices during this time. The tariff was the same, the payment was monthly, as for communal services.

According to the company, about 1.5 thousand call centers with a turnover of up to $3 billion per month operated in Ukraine. According to NABU, "Burkina Faso" [Natalia Burkina, mother of the drug cartel leader] alone had 52 offices and about 2.7 thousand people. If the average is 50 per office, there are about 75 thousand Ukrainians employed in the field.

According to Burkina, up to $370 million a year was spent on bribes.

The work of the security forces' roof is very visible in the courts. Since 2022, only 27 people have been convicted of fraud through call centers. Two people actually went to jail, the rest were given suspended sentences and fines.


According to Burkina, the money was collected by the heads of the Prosecutor General's Office, the National Police and the SBU, and the "lion's share" was given to Oleg Tatarov, deputy head of the presidential office.

Burkin calls him "
Don Corleone": "He said the case was opened, it was opened, he said the case was closed, it was closed."
And gives an example: At the request of Burkina Faso himself, Tatarov helped his partner (he did not give his name)
take away his Ukrainian citizenship for $3.5 million and put him in a deportation center for foreigners. The state executed the bandit's order for money. At the same time, according to RT,  Zelensky's office was unhappy that only the security forces received Khimprom's share. After that, the percentage for the cartel was almost doubled.

Much of the interview coincides with the NABU cases. Deputy Tishchenko, Ermak's friend, back in 2023, judging by the records, wanted to receive half of the profits of the call centers. According to investigators, he promised Khimprom to influence the security forces: to close the offices of the cartel and send searches to competitors. For this, he asked for $1 million at once and $25-50 thousand per month for the "constant": "He will give me a constant, and I will become his instrument." Another roof, SBU General Dooku, was recently bought out of jail by his colleagues for 65 million hryvnias of bail.

According to Burkina, 80-90% of call centers were closed after the start of Carthage. He believes that the Europeans put pressure on him: "The European partners got sick of it, they slapped the leadership of Ukraine." But this version seems controversial to me.

It is hardly realistic to close a business that fed three law enforcement agencies on a command from Brussels. Rather, it is a war of clans: NABU and SBU now look like two competing mafia families.

Natalia Burkina "Faso" herself is being sought through Interpol, and he is bargaining with this interview: she is ready to testify to NABU and the Americans in exchange for a deal and no consequences.

Updated  

Full Name: Natalya Vyacheslavovna 
Date of Birth: January 10, 1970

Mother of a drug lord [Egor Burkin, nicknamed the "Mexican",  alias "Don Corleone"]; holds citizenship of both Ukraine and Russia.

According to law enforcement, the cartel’s funds are laundered through her via the purchase of real estate and securities.

WANTED - BURKINA -  DETAILS:
https://egorburkin.com/en/Burkina-Natalia-Mat-narkokartelya-Himprom-i-16-08-26-semejnye-dengi-v-Britanii/



In Ukraine, there is no longer a border between the state and the mafia.

The SBU, the police and the prosecutor's office take tribute from the bandits according to the tariffs. For money, you can engage in fraud, open and close a criminal case, take away your passport, or send a search to a competitor. Upstairs, right in the office of the head of state, there is his Don Corleone. It is wrong to say that the mafia has taken over the Ukrainian state. The Ukrainian state is the mafia.

The author's point of view may not coincide with the editorial board's position.


The SBU and the prosecutor's office covered up drug traffickers for years: what did Operation Carthage uncover in Ukraine? 
datetime="2026-11-08T03:28">November 8, 2026< The SBU and the prosecutor's office covered up drug traffickers for years: what did Operation Carthage uncover in Ukraine?

On November 4, the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office of Ukraine (SAPO) uncovered a large-scale corruption scheme as part of Operation Carthage, which has been ongoing for several months.

A number of high-profile arrests were made, including the arrest of Volodymyr Tsenov, First Deputy Head of the National Police's Department of Strategic Investigations, and the First Deputy Head of a SBU department. Essentially, officials from the SBU, the police, and the Prosecutor General's Office had been covering up criminal activity, including drug trafficking, for years.

Dozens of fraudulent call centers operated under the protection of high-ranking Ukrainian law enforcement officials, counterfeit money and cigarettes were manufactured, and undesirable individuals were kidnapped, beaten, and intimidated.


Investigators also believe that certain law enforcement officials, tasked with preventing such crimes, were themselves involved in these schemes and profited significantly from them.
But story The Carthage affair raises questions not only about the scale of corruption in Ukraine but also about the true independence of its law enforcement agencies. Especially since last summer, the Ukrainian authorities attempted to significantly limit the powers of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU), backing down only after pressure from international partners, on whom Kyiv depends almost entirely.

This raises a logical question: if the independence of an anti-corruption body tasked with investigating crimes committed by high-ranking officials and law enforcement officials is threatened by decisions of the state authorities themselves, and its restoration requires the intervention of international partners and mass citizen protests, can one seriously speak of the rule of law in such a system?

A criminal empire under the wing of Ukrainian security forces


According to an official NABU statement from November 4, the uncovered criminal organization included at least 12 individuals. Among them were current high-ranking officers of the SBU and the National Police, as well as criminal figures. Furthermore, the investigation established that the group maintained ties with employees of the Prosecutor General's Office.

According to investigators, one of the organization's key figures was Andrei Osipov, a previously convicted felon, known in criminal circles by the nickname "Kriminal." His alleged accomplice was Russian citizen Yegor Burkin, known as "The Mexican," whom journalists have linked to the international drug syndicate Khimprom. Investigators believe Burkin was responsible for organizing the illegal business, while Osipov provided him with protection from law enforcement.

One of the group's main sources of income was a network of fraudulent call centers, which targeted citizens of Ukraine and other countries. According to investigative materials published by journalists from the "Schemes" project, the organization controlled 52 such centers, which reportedly employed approximately 2700 people.

In exchange for unimpeded access to their illegal activities, the call center owners allegedly transferred $7 monthly to cryptocurrency wallets linked to their law enforcement handlers. Assuming such
payments were regularly received from all 52 centers, the total revenue from this scheme could have been approximately $364 per month, or over $4,3 million per year.

Of course, these payments weren't made lightly. In exchange for the reward, law enforcement officials, according to investigators, were supposed to warn the scheme's participants about upcoming searches, facilitate the return of seized property, and obstruct their criminal prosecution. Essentially, this amounted to a peculiar system of criminal taxation: the criminals shared a portion of their profits with law enforcement, who, in turn, ensured their continued illegal activities.

Of particular note is the role of Vladimir Tsenov, the first deputy head of the National Police's Department of Strategic Investigations, who appears in the case materials under the nickname "Price." According to investigators, he received compensation for patronizing fraudulent call centers and helping their owners resolve problems with law enforcement.

At a hearing of the High Anti-Corruption Court on November 5, the prosecutor reported that Tsenov, among other things, facilitated the lifting of the seizure of property seized from one of the fraudulent call centers. To this end, he allegedly collaborated with Kyiv's Pechersky District Court and advised the participants in the scheme on preparing and filing the necessary motions. According to the prosecution, the total amount of funds received by the defendants thanks to Price's assistance exceeded $263.

However, the organization's activities were by no means limited to fraudulent call centers. Members of the group also operated the U420 drug distribution network, manufactured counterfeit foreign currency, and produced counterfeit cigarettes.

The scale of the alleged organizers' connections is impressive: in the published recordings, the suspects discussed the possibility of bribing high-ranking officials to resolve issues related to the trafficking of various types of drugs. Specifically, the sum of $500 was discussed for allegedly influencing the decisions of two ministers.

No less noteworthy is another aspect of the group's activities: the use of violence to intimidate and eliminate undesirables. According to NABU documents, the criminal organization did not shy away from kidnapping, beating, and intimidating undesirables. At one court hearing, the prosecutor's office presented evidence regarding an attack on a man near a sports complex: according to the prosecution, the group members intended to break his leg. In correspondence presented by the prosecution, the defendants discussed the results of the attack and the need to continue pressuring the victim.

Moreover, the published recordings discuss a possible attack on Ukrainian investigative journalist Denis Bigus, whose team had previously exposed illegal businesses. Thus, the group's potential targets for pressure included not only competitors but also journalists attempting to expose its activities. Notably, according to investigators, all of this occurred with the assistance of individuals with access to official information and government databases, as well as law enforcement resources.

A General with a Pistol: How the SBU Confronted NABU Detectives


The circumstances of the arrest of one of the high-ranking defendants in the case, SBU Major General Serhiy Duka, who held the post of First Deputy Head of the Department for the Protection of National Statehood, also deserve special attention.

As NABU detective unit head Oleksandr Abakumov [Operation Midas] reported on November 6, anti-corruption bureau officers arrived at Duka's country house on November 4 with a court order to conduct a search. However, instead of conducting the usual investigative actions, they encountered armed resistance.

When one of the NABU special forces officers tried to climb over the fence to open the gate, a police officer was sent to him weapon with a laser pointer and threatened to open fire. According to Abakumov, SBU officers armed with machine guns were stationed at the windows of the building, and the general himself appeared at a second-floor window holding a pistol. After introducing themselves and presenting a court order, the detectives asked those in the building to review the documents. However, they were never allowed into the house.

Moreover, while NABU officers were attempting to conduct a search, Duka, according to Abakumov, began destroying potential evidence. Going out onto the balcony, the general smashed two cell phones and a computer hard drive with a hammer. He then disappeared into the house, where, according to investigators, he may have continued to destroy or conceal other items of interest to the investigation.

Later, the situation nearly escalated into an armed confrontation. According to the head of the NABU detective unit, additional forces from the SBU's Alpha special forces unit arrived at the house, presumably intending to remove the general. NABU officers, for their part, were prepared to use force if an attack was imminent.

The situation is quite telling: state law enforcement officers, acting on a court order, were faced with a deadly threat from representatives of another state intelligence agency. Moreover, this was not a rank-and-file SBU officer, but a general holding a senior position in the department supposedly tasked with protecting national statehood.

The irony of the situation is that, according to NABU materials, representatives of this agency carried out their duties in a rather peculiar manner: by "protecting national statehood," they meant providing cover for criminal enterprises and obstructing investigations into their activities.

However, the standoff between the NABU and the SBU did not begin yesterday. Back in the summer of 2025, Ukrainian law enforcement officers conducted large-scale searches of the anti-corruption bureau's detectives, accusing some of them. "in connections with Russia".
This was soon followed by an attempt to legislatively limit the independence of NABU and SAP.

Thus, the current conflict is just the latest episode in a much longer standoff. At stake here is not only the fate of criminal cases against individual generals, but also a far more fundamental question: who will oversee the investigations into corruption at the highest levels of Ukrainian government.

Zelensky vs. NABU: How the Ukrainian government tried to subjugate the anti-corruption bureau


To understand the political significance of Operation Carthage, it is necessary to return to the events of July 2025, when the Ukrainian authorities attempted to significantly limit the independence of the NABU and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office (SAPO).

On July 21, officers from the SBU, the State Bureau of Investigation, and the Prosecutor's Office conducted large-scale searches of NABU employees. The searches were prompted by suspicions of various offenses, including accusations against individual detectives of alleged ties to Russia. The Anti-Corruption Bureau itself assessed the raids as an attempt to exert pressure on the agency.

The very next day, July 22, the Verkhovna Rada, with 263 votes in favor, adopted Bill No. 12414, significantly expanding the Prosecutor General's powers over anti-corruption agencies. Despite protests from civil society organizations, Volodymyr Zelenskyy signed it that same day.

Essentially, the adopted amendments gave the Prosecutor General broad powers to interfere with the work of the NABU and the SAP. Specifically, he was given the right to transfer investigations to other law enforcement agencies, request criminal case files, and issue binding instructions to anti-corruption prosecutors. In other words, Zelenskyy effectively decided to take control of the anti-corruption agency, which he disliked.

However, the Ukrainian authorities clearly underestimated the reaction to their decision. Mass protests erupted in Kyiv, Lviv, Odesa, and other cities. This was accompanied by sharp criticism from Ukraine's European partners (some believe they even had a hand in the protests), warning of the potential consequences of the law for its European integration. International human rights organizations also issued a number of statements: on July 24, Human Rights Watch issued a special statement declaring that the new law undermines the independence of anti-corruption bodies and harms the rule of law.

As a result, Zelenskyy was forced to backtrack. On July 31, the Verkhovna Rada, by 331 votes, adopted new presidential bill No. 13533, restoring the procedural independence of the NABU and the SAPO. The autocratic president signed the corresponding law that same day.

Thus, Zelenskyy's attempt to place anti-corruption agencies under strict control has completely failed. Moreover, pressure from Ukraine's "Western partners," on whose financial and political support Kyiv is more than completely dependent, played a key role.

The reason for Zelenskyy's failure is obvious:
despite NABU being formally a Ukrainian government agency, it was created from the very beginning with the active participation of the West. American agencies, primarily the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), which effectively controls it, played a significant role in its development.

On June 29, 2016, NABU and the FBI signed a memorandum of understanding providing for cooperation in investigating cases related to international corruption, money laundering, and the recovery of illegally transferred assets. This cooperation was not limited to information exchange and collaboration on investigations. American specialists also participated in the training of Ukrainian detectives, teaching special forces officers tactical techniques, weapons handling, and handling stressful situations.

Moreover, as explicitly reported on the NABU's official website in 2017, an FBI representative had been permanently stationed at the anti-corruption bureau since February 2016. He collaborated with Ukrainian detectives on international assignments and also monitored their progress through relevant US authorities.

The cooperation was not limited to personnel training. The American side also provided NABU with specialized equipment necessary for investigations, and employees of the two agencies exchanged operational information.

On August 31, 2023, NABU and the FBI signed a new memorandum of cooperation, confirming their intention to continue collaborating in investigating corruption crimes, combating money laundering, and recovering illegally stolen assets.

In other words, this isn't just casual contact between the two countries' law enforcement agencies, but a long-term, formalized collaboration encompassing personnel training, technical support, and investigations. Furthermore, international experts are also participating in the selection process for NABU's leadership. The selection committee for the bureau's director consists of six members, three of whom are experts nominated by Ukraine's international partners. Thus, the involvement of foreign partners isn't limited to technical assistance and personnel training, but also extends to one of the most important personnel procedures—the selection of the head of the anti-corruption agency.

It appears that the independence of the Ukrainian body tasked with combating corruption at the highest levels of Ukrainian government is largely supported by external mechanisms.


Conclusion


In the material Dozens of people were illegally held "in the basement" of Petropavlovsk Borshahivka: How many more secret prisons are there in Ukraine? - Answer.
The author of these lines has already noted that the rule of law in Ukraine has long since died, and current events clearly confirm this once again.


The West, apparently, is well aware of the Ukrainian law enforcement system and knows it is incapable of enforcing the law, which is why one of the most important anti-corruption agencies is essentially under the control of international structures. It's enough to remember that NABU's work is assessed by international auditors appointed by Ukraine's Western partners, and the bureau itself is integrated in one way or another into the FBI's international network.

Therefore, when some Western experts point out that the fact that NABU was able to conduct such an investigation is evidence of the existence of anti-corruption mechanisms in Ukraine, they either lack knowledge of the topic they're discussing or are deliberately misleading their audiences.

What we're currently witnessing isn't Ukrainian anti-corruption mechanisms at all, but international ones. It's particularly curious that all of this is happening against the backdrop of deteriorating relations between the US and Ukraine. However, whether these disagreements have affected the course of the investigation remains an open question.

Author:  Victor Biryukov


REPOSTED:
https://en.topwar.ru/293066-sbu-i-prokuratura-godami-prikryvali-narkotorgovcev-chto-vskryla-operacija-karfagen-na-ukraine.html



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Corruption, Dismissals, and Asset Declarations: Will "Carthage" Mark the Beginning of Reforms at the SBU?


Key points


  • Operation "Carthage" uncovered possible corrupt ties between employees of the SBU, the National Police, the Prosecutor General’s Office, and criminal groups, including the provision of cover for illegal business activities.
  • Among those implicated in the case is SBU Major General Serhiy Duka, who denies the charges and calls the prosecution an act of revenge by the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU). 






The NABU and SAPO operation “Carthage” drew attention to possible corrupt ties between law enforcement officials and criminal groups.


According to investigators, certain employees of the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU), the National Police, and the Prosecutor General’s Office may have received money to cover up illegal businesses, warn about raids, and leak classified information. Among those implicated in the case is SBU Major General Serhiy Duka.

The investigation revealed not only alleged ties between security officials and the drug trade and fraudulent call centers, but also a possible Russian connection. At the same time, the case has reignited the debate over accountability for corruption during wartime and the need to reform law enforcement agencies – in particular, the SBU, which firmly holds the informal and shameful reputation of being Ukraine’s “chief racketeer.”

... [lack of page space!] 

One of the cases involves the "Khimprom" drug cartel, which likely operated at least 52 fraudulent call centers. Representatives of the SBU, the National Police, and the prosecutor’s office may have received money for covering up illegal activities, warning about raids, and helping to return seized property. According to investigators’ estimates, $263,000 was transferred to the police and the prosecutor’s office starting in early 2026.

Serhiy Duka, Major General of the SBU – the now-former first deputy head of the Security Service’s Department for the Protection of National Statehood – is one of the individuals implicated in the case.



Serhiy Duka during a hearing at the High Anti-Corruption Court in Kyiv / Photo: Suspilne News / Oleksiy Arunyan


In NABU’s recordings, he allegedly (we write “allegedly” because a person has the right to the presumption of innocence until a court verdict is issued – 24 Channel) appears under the nickname “Akim.” According to investigators, Mr. Duka may have protected a criminal organization from other SBU employees, received a share of the drug ring’s profits, and passed on classified information.

Investigators are also looking into a possible Russian connection in the activities of “Khimprom.” Its organizer is said to be Russian citizen Yegor Burkin, nicknamed “The Mexican,” who, law enforcement officials suspect, may have collaborated with the FSB.

At the same time, it is important to distinguish between these cases. The “Khimprom” case involves a different network than the investigation into the cover-up of fraudulent call centers, which involved former Prosecutor General Ruslan Kravchenko and an employee of the Prosecutor General’s Office Serhiy Kropiva.



NABU and the SAPO refer to the new investigation as a continuation of Operation “Carthage,” though a direct link to the previous case has not yet been established.

Andriy Tkachuk, an officer in the Armed Forces of Ukraine and political analyst, commenting on the high-profile and shocking investigation, emphasizes the need for strict accountability for those who use their positions to enrich themselves during a full-scale war. 


Some people are stealing enormous sums of money just to buy themselves a crocodile, while others continue to fight even against the backdrop of this absurd news. “We just want them (the corrupt officials – 24 Channel) to be held accountable for all their crimes and punished, while we go about our business, Tkachuk stated.

He also warned against attempts to evade punishment through mobilization or by dragging out court proceedings – military service cannot be a way to avoid responsibility.

All of this is happening during the war. I believe the minimum sentence should be life in prison. You can’t ‘weasel your way out’ through the courts or by joining the military. This must be the strictest area of accountability,” the Ukrainian Armed Forces officer emphasized.


Former SBU employee Ivan Stupak believes that piecemeal changes are no longer enough. In a comment to 24 Channel, he explained that once the war ends, there needs to be a comprehensive review of the work not only of his former colleagues at the SBU, but also of the National Police and the State Bureau of Investigations.

According to him, the legislation governing the work of law enforcement agencies has been amended repeatedly, but this has not resolved the fundamental problems. Now a more extensive overhaul is needed, first and foremost a clear division of powers among agencies.

Stupak cited the fight against call centers as an example. At one time, the police, the prosecutor’s office, and the tax service tried to counter them, but to no avail. 


Everyone fought against them, but no one could defeat them because everyone was leading the process– noted the former SBU employee.

After the case gained publicity, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy announced that legislative changes were being prepared to reinstate mandatory declarations for all SBU employees. This will allow for the verification of the assets and lifestyles of special service employees.


“I have approved a bill to reinstate asset declarations for all SBU employees so that their lifestyles and all their assets are subject to scrutiny and accountability. Just as in other agencies – and, by the way, not just law enforcement agencies,”
– Zelenskyy stated.


He also reported on the first dismissals within the SBU and announced further personnel decisions. The head of the security service, Oleksandr Poklad, fired two high-ranking officials following searches conducted as part of Operation “Carthage.” 

... [lack of page space!]

SBU General Serhiy Duka currently denies the allegations and calls the criminal prosecution an act of retaliation by anti-corruption agencies.

In an open letter from the detention center, published by his attorney Yuriy Sukhov, the former official stated that his actions should be judged based on the evidence.

Just a week ago, I was leading covert operations against the enemy, and today I am in a detention center cell. I am not asking you to take my word for it. I demand that my actions be judged based on evidence, not on sensational videos, sensational headlines, or conversations taken out of context,” reads the letter from the defendant, Duka.

General Duka also questioned the authenticity of the NABU audio and video recordings and raised concerns about a possible conflict of interest. According to him, the motion regarding the selection of a preventive measure against him was prepared by Detective Roman Nedov, whom Duka himself had previously searched.


Operation “Carthage” / Video by NABU and SAPO 



https://youtu.be/dLGhaHbWCAA

10 days ago,  April 1, 2026

NABU and SAPO have uncovered a criminal organization whose members facilitated the operation of illegal call centers.  

According to the investigation, this illicit activity was carried out with the assistance and cover of certain officials.

Full details in the video 👇


00:00 Architecture of the criminal organization 
06:52 Call centers 
09:05 SBU and the Office of the Prosecutor General 
17:01 U420 
29:45 Illegal production of counterfeit euros
33:11 Crimes against human life and health
39:25 Cover provided by law enforcement agencies
52:21 Attempts to undermine the independence of NABU and SAPO

See also:    • Operation "Carthage" (full version)

Follow NABU on other social networks:: ▪️ Telegram: https://t.me/nab_ukraine ▪️ Facebook:   / nabu.gov.ua   ▪️ Instagram:   / nab_ukraine   ▪️ Twitter (X):   / nab_ukr   ▪️ Сайт: https://nabu.gov.uaНАБУ

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The former official proposed holding an open discussion with the participation of the heads of anti-corruption agencies.

“I propose organizing an open public discussion where NABU Director Semen Kryvonos and SAPO Head Oleksandr Klymenko will sit across from me and try to have a frank conversation based on the facts,”– Duka noted.

This is the defense’s position, which neither refutes nor confirms the investigation’s version of events.

On November 6, the High Anti-Corruption Court remanded Duka in custody for 60 days with the option of posting bail in the amount of 65 million hryvnias. Later, 44 million hryvnias was posted as bail for him. According to SAPO prosecutor Mykola Karas, the funds came from 1,113 contributors. Allegedly, this money was collected through a crowdfunding-like effort among SBU employees.


REPOSTED:
https://24tv.ua/en/the-carthage-case-why-reforming-the-sbu-is-essential-for-ukraine_n3178491



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Operation Carthage suspect General Duka released from pre-trial detention

VALENTYNA ROMANENKO — 13 November, 16:29


Serhii Duka. Screenshot


Security Service of Ukraine (SSU) Major General Serhii Duka, a suspect in the Carthage case, has been released from pre-trial detention. He has claimed that he is innocent.

Source: live broadcast by Ukrainian news outlet TSN




https://www.youtube.com/live/arDuNAW-y7Q?si=A66XlFCswMDwIXft

Streamed live on 13.11.2026 #новини #тсн

NOTORIOUS SBU GENERAL DUKA TO BE RELEASED ON BAIL — FIRST DETAILS LIVE!

Bail has been posted for Serhiy Duka, the former First Deputy Head of the SBU’s Department for the Protection of National Statehood, who was detained as part of the large-scale operation "Carthage." This was reported by the High Anti-Corruption Court (HACC). According to the court’s ruling, the bail amount for the former intelligence official was set at 44 million hryvnias.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=arDuNAW-y7Q



Details:
Duka thanked the SSU personnel who had raised UAH 65 million (US$1.4 million) for his bail. The general stressed that he had not committed the crimes he was charged with. He once again described the case against him as "revenge by the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine".

Duka claimed that the Security Service of Ukraine had found evidence of corruption among representatives of anti-corruption agencies. According to the general, however, these cases were dropped "on the orders from senior state officials".

He said that anti-corruption agencies are preparing "new episodes of the Carthage series". The suspect claimed he had arguments to counter them. Duka asked for some time to rest and fulfil the obligations imposed on him by the court, such as surrendering his passport. He said he would have more to say at a later date.

An unprecedented number of people wearing military fatigues had gathered outside the detention centre, including members of SSU's Alpha special unit. As Duka left the facility, security personnel who had come to meet him handed him a firearm.

Duka's lawyer Yurii Sukhov told journalists that, despite being dismissed from his post, the major general was and remains an SSU employee and "had taken part in certain special operations", so he will continue to receive protection.

Sukhov reiterated his claim that no one had forced SSU personnel to contribute to Duka's bail.

When asked by journalists why Duka had chopped up his phones with an axe when he was detained, the lawyer said that the investigating judge had rejected the prosecutor's position that the general was destroying evidence or resisting arrest.

The lawyer also said that an appeal against the preventive measure imposed on Duka will be heard on 26 November.

Previously:

  • On 7 November, Ukrainska Pravda reported that a message was being circulated among SSU staff urging them to contribute to a fundraiser for Duka's bail.
  • Later, UP sources said that regional officers of the SSU were being asked to transfer money to go towards bail for Duka, who is suspected of involvement in a criminal organisation in the Carthage case.
  • Duka wrote an open letter from the pre-trial detention centre where he was being held, demanding that his actions be judged by the evidence rather than "sensationalist headlines". He also accused the anti-corruption bodies of taking "revenge".
  • On 12 November, it became known that the court-ordered bail had been posted for Duka. Ukrainska Pravda sources said that the fundraiser received 1,612 payments and the amount raised was even higher than that set by the court. 

Background:

  • On 4 November, the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) and the Specialised Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office served notices of suspicion on five members of a criminal organisation in the Carthage case, including Duka. Investigators believe the five regularly bribed senior law enforcement officials to turn a blind eye to scam call centres and other illegal businesses.
  • Oleksandr Abakumov, head of the NABU detective unit, said Duka had threatened NABU detectives with a gun and smashed equipment with a hammer during a search of his property. Officers from the SSU's Special Group Alpha attempted to get him out.
  • On 6 November, journalists were barred from the courtroom as the High Anti-Corruption Court considered a pre-trial restriction for Duka. Later that day, the court ordered Duka to be held in custody and set bail at UAH 65 million (US$1.4 million).

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National Anti-Corruption Bureau of UkraineState Security Service of Ukrainecorruption

SOURCE:
https://www.pravda.com.ua/eng/news/2026/11/13/8062755/



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